📌置頂文章📌 活動記錄:永社2023年轉型正義工作坊(活動已結束)

2015年12月4日 星期五

王如玄提告是假動作,沒有解決軍宅問題!

黃帝穎(作者為律師、永社理事)

黃帝穎律師臉書頁面 2015.12.03

王如玄始終講不清的軍宅案件,昨日竟去地檢署對立委段宜康提起加重誹謗的告訴,卻不敢提自訴或民事起訴,不敢在法院的公開庭講清楚,王如玄把軍宅案藏進檢察官的「偵查不公開」,顯然還是規避檢驗,這種提告只是政治上的假動作。
王如玄說要到「法庭說清楚」,這根本就是用「偵查不公開」來迴避爭議,社會根本無從檢驗王如玄的告訴案件!而現在社會質疑的是,王如玄為什麼講不清楚到底購買多少軍宅?有沒有如實繳稅?有沒有老兵被坑殺?
事實上,王如玄是副總統候選人,更應有最基本的誠信,幾戶其實也不是重點。但王如玄卻用「戶數不到19間」為理由,向地檢署狀告段宜康「加重誹謗」,認為自身的名譽受損,但是軍宅炒五間也是炒,炒十間也是炒,難道王如玄是認為戶數比較少,名譽就「比較沒有受損」嗎?
王如玄是律師,熟悉司法程序,請不要躲在「偵查不公開」的背後,規避社會的檢驗,就算不敢提自訴,至少可以公佈告訴狀,讓社會知道哪有「不實」的指控吧!

Regulations for military apartments need fixing

Wu Ching-chin 吳景欽

(Wu Ching-chin is an associate professor, chair of Aletheia University’s law department and director of Taiwan Forever Association)
(作者為真理大學法律系副教授兼系主任、永社理事)

Translated by Paul Cooper

TAIPEI TIMES / Editorials 2015.12.03
http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2015/12/03/2003633888/1

Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) vice presidential candidate Jennifer Wang (王如玄) has found herself in hot water over her ownership of military apartments. Despite her insistence that everything is above board, the issue has got people’s backs up. Wang’s problem is that suspicions have arisen that something is not quite right, as there are regulations prohibiting the sale of military apartments within five years of their purchase.

To prevent real-estate speculation of military apartment buildings, Article 24, Paragraph 1 of the Act for Rebuilding Old Quarters for Military Dependents (國軍老舊眷村改建條例) says: “Other than the legal succession to the residence placement, the purchaser shall not sell, mortgage, give as a gift, or exchange the residence and base within five years upon the registration of the property right.”

So, why are these apartments still the subject of speculation?

This clause lacks the teeth of the now-abolished public housing act, which in item 3, paragraph 1 of article 21 said that “the government or competent authority is to retrieve the house and its land and enforce this provision should the owners violate the provisions of sale, pledge and mortgage, grant or exchange.”

This law’s removal denies authorities a potent weapon.

To avoid breaching the principle of the autonomy of private law, judicial authorities adopted a restricted-interpretation approach; they limited the application of the law to property rights, not to creditors’ rights. Therefore, as long as a person does not transfer the registration of ownership rights within the designated period, those involved can sign contracts to buy or sell and not risk breaking the law.

The problem comes when, during the five-year period in which the property registration cannot be transferred, the party wanting to buy the property has to take on the risk of the seller pulling out of the agreement or of transferring the property rights to another party instead. A prospective buyer would therefore find ways to offset the risk, such as with bonds, the use of public notaries or even seeking collateral, but all of these options are stretching the limits of the law. Even worse, should the Ministry of the Interior be seen to be formally recognizing the legitimacy of this legal loophole, the so-called five-year exclusion period essentially becomes meaningless and the policy, which was implemented to help provide low-cost housing options for veterans, is turned into one big temptation for those willing to take advantage of it.

There are some speculators out there who are not above taking advantage of the situation. They find themselves a gullible military dependent and find a way around the five-year rule. The government cannot turn a blind eye to this kind of behavior.

It is because of these practices that it might be necessary to lengthen the five-year restriction and maybe even consider the viability of prohibiting speculation on such property altogether. Given the snail’s pace at which laws are revised, when judges come to deal with these disputes, they should start from Article 1 of the Act for Rebuilding Old Quarters for Military Dependents, that is, take the military dependents’ property rights as the starting point and deny the buying or selling of residences in any shape or form of military apartments within the five-year period based on Article 72 of the Civil Code (民法), which says: “A juridical act which is against public policy or morals is void.”

If the judiciary continues to stick dogmatically to the literal meaning of the law, it will be helping people trying to get around the law and there will continue to be people who have devoted their lives to the service of their country crying themselves to sleep at night.

2015年12月3日 星期四

陳肇敏逍遙法外 國賠全民買單

黃帝穎(律師、永社理事)

自由時報/自由評論網 2015.12.02
http://talk.ltn.com.tw/article/breakingnews/1527093

江國慶遭刑求而槍決的冤死案,至今沒有任何一個政府官員負責,國賠金額大部份也是全民買單。
圖為江國慶母親(左)。(圖片來源:自由時報/資料照,記者楊國文攝


前空軍士兵江國慶枉死案,馬總統任命的首位國防部長陳肇敏第三度獲台北地檢署不起訴處分。簡單的說,江國慶遭刑求而槍決的冤死案,至今沒有任何一個政府官員負責,國賠金額大部份也是全民買單。

事實上,不只北檢三度不起訴陳肇敏,讓江國慶冤死沒人負責,國防部更是「禮遇」陳肇敏,國防部已賠償江家一億零三百多萬元,台北地院判決指出陳肇敏應負三分之一責任,理應賠三千四百多萬元,可是受限國防部僅向陳求償一四七四萬餘元,最後只能判賠一四七四萬餘元。也就是說,因為國防部對陳肇敏的求償金額過少,讓陳肇敏少賠近兩千萬元。

更荒謬的是,國防部對陳肇敏聲請「假扣押」的同時發佈新聞,形同「敲鑼打鼓」通知陳肇敏脫產,但民事聲請假扣押的目的,就是擔心判決確定前被告會脫產,所以在判決前,原告聲請假扣押必須具有「隱密性」,才能有效防免脫產,國防部卻先隔空「通知脫產」,後又進行訴訟上的「不足額求償」,北檢更三度不起訴陳肇敏,導致江國慶的冤死,沒有官員負責,就連國賠金額大部份也都是全民買單。國家的不公不義,莫此為甚!

採用陪審、結果會不同嗎?

吳景欽(作者為真理大學法律系副教授兼研究所主任,台灣永社常務理事)

民報/專欄 2015.12.02
http://www.peoplenews.tw/news/51958c11-34fd-401b-ab84-6d2b70b2d6d2

頂新案除了食品安全衛生管理法的刑罰規定,不僅多元且複雜,又得面臨專業鑑定報告的理解難度。為了突破如此的雙重困難,一旦採取陪審制,就一定得走向審判的精密化,如關於鑑定人,當事人雙方都必須自行找尋有利的鑑定人,並出庭接受交互詢問的檢驗。(圖片來源:中央社資料照,民報合成


頂新案第一審的無罪判決引發輿論撻伐,又再度引發恐龍法官之爭議。而向來,在某些受矚目案件,司法判決總與人民的期待有極大的落差,則關於人民參與審判制度,是否有必要引入台灣,即為司法改革的重要課題。只是類如頂新案,若採取所謂陪審制,其結果是否會不同?

在採法官專職審判的國家,如我國,對於心證的形成乃委由法官自由判斷,故如頂新案,由於合議庭採取極為嚴格的證據採擇與認定標準,是否在採陪審制下,就會稍微鬆動?首先必須考量的是,陪審員在審判前,尤其是類如頂新這類的案件裡,是否已經存有先入為主的觀念。也因此,在採人民參與審判制度的國家,為了防止有偏見的陪審員進入審判,就有所謂voir dire程序。

Voir dire乃法文,voir是看、dire是說的意思,指的是經傳喚法院的潛在陪審員,必須接受當事人的詢問以來為保留或剔除,最終選出十二位陪審員,藉由如此的程序,似乎可保證陪審團的公正性。只是由於當事人都擁有大約四名無庸附理由的剔除權,則在自私本能的驅使下,所組成陪審團的公正性,就必然會有疑問。況且類如頂新案,被告律師自然會儘量探知這些潛在陪審員的內在傾向,若受偏見已深且傾向於有罪推定,自然成為優先剔除的對象,也符合公平審判的要求,但這些剔除的對象,卻可能是檢察官所最需要的。也因此,認為陪審員就會傾向寬鬆的證據裁判原則,恐也只是種猜測。

再來,就正式審判來說,由於陪審員只能為犯罪事實有無的認定,在決定有罪後,就由法官另開量刑程序。如此的兩元區分,其理由似乎是針對犯罪事實的判斷乃是藉由經驗法則而非法律專業,故可由人民參與,至於量刑涉及複雜的因素,故單獨由法官為之。只是犯罪事實的判斷,也必須先瞭解法條的構成要件,才可能為該當與否的認定,要說完全與法律無關,恐也會有疑問。尤其類如頂新案,除了食品安全衛生管理法的刑罰規定,不僅多元且複雜,又得面臨專業鑑定報告的理解難度。因此,為了突破如此的雙重困難,一旦採取陪審制,就一定得走向審判的精密化,如關於鑑定人,當事人雙方都必須自行找尋有利的鑑定人,並出庭接受交互詢問的檢驗。

只是在如此的審判結構下,由於當事人雙方必須自行自費找尋證人、鑑定人,若無強而有力的法律扶助制度,刑事審判肯定就會陷入叢林法則,即有財力者,可以找尋最有利己的王牌鑑定人。所以如頂新案,在現行審判制度下,面對檢方偵查中所為的鑑定,就已經被後來的鑑定報告所攻擊,更何況在陪審制下,當事人可以找尋更多有利的鑑定人出庭。

最後,是有關陪審團的評議,原則上不採多數決而是一致決,即必須無異議為有罪或無罪的評決,若有一人不同意,就會形成所謂hung jury或稱deadlocked jury ,法官就得解散陪審團,雖可再行起訴,但若無新事證,檢方亦不會重行起訴,致與無罪無太大差異。故如頂新案,只要一開始,已儘量挑選強調正當程序的陪審員,再加以檢方的舉證薄弱,即便一致判無罪的機率不高,但形成所謂hung jury的可能性卻相對提昇。

總之,頂新案若採取陪審制,因此所為的判決是否會較專職法官所為,更能貼近人民的期待,實難以回答。不過,可以確立的是,一旦採取陪審制度,就必須落實言詞審理與辯論,且由於審判者是平民之故,就得集中審理,更得將法條用語平易化。凡此種種,或許才是引入人民參與審判制度,所必然帶來的司法改革。

2015年11月25日 星期三

【座談紀錄】1115「地方自治改革」座談會




【座談會詳情】

 時間:11/15 09:15-11:45
 地點:台大校友會館3樓A室(台北市濟南路1段2-1號)
 主辦單位:永社

 主持人:陳耀祥 / 臺北大學公共行政暨政策學系助理教授、永社副理事長

 與談人:吳景欽 / 真理大學法律學系副教授兼系主任
     陳美伶 / 臺南市政府秘書長
     黃帝穎 / 律師
     羅承宗 / 南臺科大財經法律研究所副教授

 (依姓氏筆劃排序)

 完整資訊:http://taiwanforever2012.blogspot.tw/2015/11/20151115.html



【影像紀錄】

 清單連結:www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLgEHi_3unev1oRM7d6SM2rb34t-xeqXgO

 更多影片請點選「播放清單」檢視。





【座談資料】

 吳景欽教授與談稿
 https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B_hB2x17KQ45VWxRZ3VvU3hIbWc/view





【活動照片】

請見永社臉書相簿:
www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.901745326575660.1073741854.369149116501953




【相關報導】

自由時報:監院彈劾賴清德放過朱立倫黃帝穎批裝聾作啞
http://news.ltn.com.tw/news/politics/breakingnews/1509330