📌置頂文章📌 活動記錄:永社2023年轉型正義工作坊(活動已結束)

2015年2月6日 星期五

文件曝光 速查馬郝圖利罪嫌

黃帝穎(作者為律師,永社理事)

自由廣場 2015.02.05
http://news.ltn.com.tw/news/opinion/paper/853452

郝龍斌(左)、馬英九(右)。
自由時報/資料照,記者王敏為攝


壹週刊將馬英九、郝龍斌擔任台北市長時與遠雄的議約相關文件曝光,報導直指,大巨蛋共五次向營建署申請建築物防火避難性能設計審查,每次都有專家提出警告,有公共安全問題,遇緊急狀況時,人潮恐相互推擠,要求檢討;多名委員也指出,大巨蛋明顯逃生不易,安全上有疑慮,但遠雄不理,營建署長葉世文還火速發給評定書,讓遠雄順利取得建照,這種置市民安全於不顧的行為,已涉嫌貪污治罪條例圖利罪,檢察官應主動偵辦。

姑且不論葉世文在營建署長任內已收賄遠雄六百萬元,在桃園縣副縣長任內收賄遠雄一六○○萬元的「前車之鑑」,營建署及台北市政府對於大巨蛋的公共安全設計,因事涉市民生命、身體及財產的重要權益,主管公務員依法有把關義務,但營建署及馬、郝團隊卻未盡把關之責,這不只有行政責任,更恐生圖利建商的刑事責任。

主管機關營建署及馬、郝市府團隊,對於大巨蛋公共安全設計,依法有為人民積極把關的法律義務,卻明知專家及審查委員已提出警告,還讓遠雄取得建照,為建商節省公安設施的營建成本,更圖其興建完成後擴大營業面積的商業利益,依據貪污治罪條例第六條的圖利罪規定,營建署及馬、郝市府官員涉嫌明知違背法令,圖他人不法利益(至少有節省建商興建公共安全設施之成本利益),應處五年以上有期徒刑,檢察官本應公正執法,對此以犧牲市民安全為代價的圖利犯行,豈能視若無睹?

安倍伺機突破非戰憲法

吳景欽(作者為真理大學法律系副教授兼系主任,台灣永社理事)

中國時報/時論廣場 2015.02.05
http://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20150205000962-260109

伊斯蘭國分子在影片中揚言,若日本沒在72小時內支付2億美元贖金,就會殺害2名人質。
(圖片來源:中國時報/取自CNN網站,本報系資料照片


伊斯蘭國(IS)綁架並殺害日本人質事件,引起日本社會震驚,首相安倍亦提出安保法、自衛隊法等的法律修正案,以擴張防衛權的範圍。惟此舉是否會成為日本突破非戰憲法的契機,就值得觀察。

二次大戰後,在聯合國總司令部監督下所制訂的日本新憲法,一個很重要的目標,就是要將日本非軍事化,此可從第9條揭示的和平思想為表徵。根據此條文,日本不僅永遠放棄戰爭發動權,更直接明文不能保有任何武力,並否定日本的交戰權。故若從文義解釋來看,日本就僅有個別、被動的自衛權,而不可能擁有集體、主動的防衛權。

只是憲法的應為規範,往往敵不過國際情勢的瞬息萬變。韓戰爆發後,美國即促使日本成立自衛隊,並於1951年簽訂安保條約,關於自衛權的解釋,就擴張至與其簽有集體安全條約的國家。而從1980代開始,日本成為經濟大國後,美國要求其須負擔更多國際義務,致有再擴大集體自衛權的建議,即只要與日本有密切相關的國家遭受攻擊,就視同對本國的攻擊,因此具有防衛之權利。

惟所謂與日本密切相關之國家所指為何,乃完全繫於執政者的恣意認定,且此種擴張,必會踩到非戰憲法的紅線,致為當時的日本內閣以憲法所不許,而擱置此案。

到了1991年波灣戰爭爆發後,日本雖負擔最多軍費,卻因無法派兵,致無法享有相對應的國際利益。這讓許多右派政黨與團體認為,惟有修改憲法第9條,才能使日本成為真正的政治大國。只是依日本憲法第96條第1項,憲法修正案須有參、眾兩院三分之二以上的議員同意,並提交國民以過半數為複決後,才能生效,就算是兩院議員席次皆過半,且亟欲修憲的安倍內閣,亦無法突破此高門檻的障礙。

不過在去年7月,為了聯合東亞國家對抗中國,安倍又延伸自衛權的定義,即與日本有緊密關係的他國遭受武力攻擊,致對本國國民造成明顯且立即之危險時,為維護國家存立及國際和平,日本仍可與他國進行攻擊性的防禦。甚且在此次人質事件後,鑑於日本自衛隊法第84條之3,只有在緊急事態,才能派遣自衛隊輸送本國人回國之限制下,安倍即順勢提出修正案,以讓日本能在本國人於外國遭綁架時,直接派兵前往救援。

凡此動作,雖無修憲之名,實已將日本憲法第9條束之高閣,不僅得面臨國內在野黨的違憲質疑,亦將挑動周遭國家的敏感神經。

非羈押不可? 強化防逃才是重點

吳景欽(作者為真理大學法律系副教授兼系主任,台灣永社理事)

聯合新聞網/評論 2015.02.05
http://udn.com/news/story/7339/688269



在彰化地院對魏應充為交保後,即引發放水、怎可輕縱壞人等等的懷疑。而在台中高分院撤銷裁定,地院又重為保釋後,如此的質疑,恐更加劇,也讓人思考,就此案件,難道非得羈押不可嗎?

羈押的目的,不外在防止被告逃亡、勾串證人與湮滅證據。但由於羈押乃在限制人身自由,致屬於判決確定前最嚴厲的強制處分,基於無罪推定及比例原則的考量,為了保全被告與證據,即須儘量以具保、責付或限制住居等的方式來替代羈押。

而就偵查階段來說,因尚處於摸索與找尋證據的階段,尤其如頂新案件,所涉及的共犯人數繁多,且負責人不僅坐擁百億財產,亦有私人飛機可隨時開往海外,自有羈押之必要。惟在被告遭起訴後,代表檢方已經蒐證完成,若以湮滅證據之事由為羈押,顯難圓說。此外,在審判期間,若不將被告繼續羈押,確實有使其勾串,甚或恐嚇證人之風險。惟所謂勾串與否,乃屬極不確定的法律概念,且若相關共犯與證人已進行交互詰問,若動輒以此為由來續押,必會影響被告公平審判的權利,這也是為何羈押不能是保全證據與證人的最優先手段之原因。故從起訴到判決確定前,欲繼續羈押被告之理由,就只剩下防止被告逃亡。

既然基於慎押原則,於審判期間,就不應以羈押,而應以交保來為防止被告逃亡的優先考量。只是每個人對金錢的感受程度及經濟狀況不同,到底要課以多少的保釋金額,才足以防逃,就只能繫於法官經驗法則之判斷。甚且如魏應充般,以三億元交保,但相對於此其龐大資產,實就顯得微不足道,致須再課予限制住居且每日向警局報到之義務,以來防其潛逃。

惟被告一旦不報到,雖可對其通緝以再為羈押,但於此時,實已無濟於事。

就算法官要求警察隨時注意保釋者的行蹤,但在人力監視有時間與空間的侷限性下,必會產生監控上的漏洞。從此問題,正暴露出我國防逃機制,恐有諸多缺陷,致使原本該居於最後位的羈押手段,反成為實務運作的最優位考量。同時,如魏應充般的富商巨賈,就算法院課予高額的保釋金,也難逃以金錢換自由的指摘,致對司法威信造成極大的戕害。

因此,如何強化防逃機制,且在人權保障與犯罪控制間取得平衡,肯定是刑事司法須立即思考與解決之事。

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【相關影音】

20150204有話好說 : 魏應充再度交保!社會再度嘩然!
www.youtube.com/watch?v=94IDAFEsZjc

2015年2月5日 星期四

破蛋 北檢別再默不吭聲

李彥賦(作者為法學碩士,永社公關委員會副主委)

自由廣場 2015.02.05
http://news.ltn.com.tw/news/opinion/paper/853451

大巨蛋。
自由時報/資料照,記者游蓓茹攝


近日財團爭議事證逐日浮出檯面,令人不禁質疑,這些私人企業如此明目張膽的違反消防、環保或是勞動法規,將人民安全視如無物,是否因為背後都有強力的靠山、穩健的門神?

例如媒體報導,遠雄在郝市府任內進行大巨蛋工程時,未依環評決議於夜間清運大量廢土,遭市府先後裁處十九張罰單、共計六五○萬元罰鍰。但在遠雄提起訴願後,環保署訴願會撤銷了後面十八張罰單。也就是說,遠雄最後只被罰了三十萬元。這其中二十餘倍的差距,使環保署訴願會遭網友質疑是圖利遠雄的共犯。

不過,按照環境影響評估法第廿三條,台北市政府對於遠雄的違法行為「應」裁處三十萬以上一五○萬以下罰鍰並要求限期改善,屆期仍未改善者,市政府才「得」按日連續處罰。按照環保署訴願會的抗辯,是北市府未要求遠雄改善,才「不得」啟動日後的連續處罰程序。問題就在於,從「開罰」到「限期改善」到「連續處罰」如此簡單的SOP裁罰程序,郝市府為什麼會出錯?難道是故意出錯、讓後面的罰單通通無效?這是否為明確的圖利事證?

此外,按同法同條第二項規定,「情節重大者,得由主管機關轉請目的事業主管機關,命其停止實施開發行為。必要時,主管機關得逕命其停止實施開發行為」,難道連續十九次違規,情節還不重大?還沒有必要要求遠雄停止開發行為?

郝市府違反裁罰程序、違法不令其改善、停工,恐涉及圖遠雄免受裁罰並得以續行履約之不法利益,難道北檢仍要繼續默不吭聲嗎?

Suits might ruin Ma’s threadbare reputation

Wu Ching-chin 吳景欽

(Wu Ching-chin is an associate professor, chair of Aletheia University’s law department and director of Taiwan Forever Association)
(作者為真理大學法律系副教授兼系主任、永社理事)

Translated by Julian Clegg

TAIPEI TIMES / Editorials 2015.02.04
http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2015/02/04/2003610760


President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) is suing a Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) legislator and two media personalities for NT$10 million (US$316,500) over allegations that he had accepted dubious political donations. However, it is by no means certain that these lawsuits will work out in Ma’s favor.

Consider the case involving a media pundit’s recent accusation that Ma received illegal political donations. According to Paragraph 3 of Article 310 of the Criminal Code, defendants accused of slander must prove that what they said is true to be found not guilty. However, this rule gives rise to a procedural contradiction, because if defendants are required to prove that their statements are true, they will have to give up their right to remain silent to be able to present evidence. Aside from contravening the principle of the presumption of innocence, this undermines the right not to be compelled to be a witness against oneself.

To resolve this, the Council of Grand Justices’ Interpretation No. 509 extends the scope of non-culpability, finding that even when the accused cannot prove the truthfulness of their statements, if, based on the evidence they present, the court finds that they had reasonable grounds to think the statements were true, it cannot find them guilty.

This is what is known as the maxim that when a deed may be considered both good and bad, the law should look more to the good. Accordingly, in relation to Ma’s defamation suits, if criminal proceedings are initiated, the accused may contend that anything they said or wrote had not only already been reported by news media, but was being investigated by the Special Investigation Division of the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office. They may argue that since what they said was not smoke without fire, it cannot be proven to be malicious. Presented with such arguments, the court would naturally be unable to find the defendants guilty.

Although the chances of the accused being found guilty of defamation are extremely low, because Interpretation No. 509 applies to criminal cases, there are doubts as to whether it can be used to absolve defendants of liability for civil damages. It is especially difficult in lawsuits seeking damages for harm done to a person’s reputation, for as long as the plaintiff can prove that their moral rights have been harmed, the defendant will have to prove the veracity of any source they may have quoted, making it very hard to refute the plaintiff’s contentions.

And, while there is no law stating that the president cannot be subpoenaed, any court he attends would certainly accord him a courteous reception. The result will be that the two parties will not be evenly matched.

Furthermore, civil actions are conducted according to the adversarial system, under which judges basically do not intervene in the investigation, in addition to which all the information and material evidence are in the hands of the more powerful party to the case. This makes it extremely difficult for defendants to prove the truthfulness of their words. If they lose because of this, it will be a blow to freedom of expression.

Therefore, for the sake of safeguarding freedom of expression, the maxim that the law looks more to the good than the bad, as established by the Council of Grand Justices in their interpretation, must not be limited to absolving defendants of criminal liability for defamation, but should also apply to civil proceedings.

Furthermore, if Ma insists on trying to prove his innocence by suing people on every occasion, the public will only become more suspicious that he has some kind of connection with business corporations.