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2015年5月27日 星期三

中國官員反賭 德國青年反核

黃帝穎(作者為律師、永社理事)

自由時報/自由廣場 2015.05.27
http://talk.ltn.com.tw/article/paper/883952

不論要建核電廠或是在離島興建賭場,均屬我國內政的重大工程,外國人表達意見雖受「言論自由」保障,但在現行制度上,外國人不可從事與申請入境目的不符事項,實質排除外國人干預我國內政的可能性。可議的是,馬政府對外國人干涉我國內政的認定,有嚴重的「雙重標準」,比較德國青年疑似「反核」被禁止入境,但中國官員張志軍卻可在金門大談「反賭」,可見馬政府的「選擇性執法」,已達濫權地步。

德國籍青年何丹霖曾任台南社區大學志工、協助台灣莫拉克風災的社區重建工作,他在二○一三年三月搭機來台時,被移民署以他曾參加違法的「全台反核行動」,拒絕入境並遣返,且禁止來台三年。但何丹霖否認參與過非法集會,跨海提起國賠訴訟,移民署卻辯稱是依據國安情資,案經台北地院函詢國安局證實是烏龍,判決移民署應賠何男機票損失二萬五千餘元。此判決可見馬政府對於「疑似」反核的德國青年,為維護屬於內政的政府核能政策,濫權從嚴認定、禁止德國青年入境。

諷刺的是,中華人民共和國國台辦主任張志軍入境台灣,在訪問金門時撂重話「嚴正反對金門設立博弈特區,否則小三通肯定要關的」,各大媒體均有報導,中國官員張志軍干預我國內政的證據及情節,比起反核的德國青年更加明確且重大,何況中國官員張志軍對我國的影響力,遠高於一個單純的德國青年何丹霖,但馬政府只敢對德國青年何丹霖「禁止入境」,卻對中國官員張志軍更強烈的干預內政行為,一句話都不敢說,馬政府「輕重失衡」的雙重執法標準,嚴重破壞人民對政府與法治的信任!

2015年5月25日 星期一

Political campaign funding questions

Huang Di-ying  黃帝穎
(Huang Di-ying is a lawyer and director of Taiwan Forever Association)
(作者為律師、永社理事)

Translated by Paul Cooper

TAIPEI TIMES / Editorials 2015.05.25
http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2015/05/25/2003619093

Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) has publicly expressed doubts about the truthfulness of campaign funds declared by President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) for his past Taipei mayoral and presidential campaigns. Ma, through Presidential Office spokesperson Charles Chen (陳以信), accused Ko of slander and for speaking on the issue before he understood the facts and said the mayor should apologize.

In fact, it is Ma who has not come clean about three counts of political donations, leaving many not convinced by his account.

First, questions surrounding the truth of political donations made to the Changhua campaign headquarters for Ma’s presidential campaign when he was running with former vice president Wu Den-yih (吳敦義) in 2012. Cho Po-chung (卓伯仲), brother of former Changhua County commissioner Cho Po-yuan (卓伯源), was prosecuted in the Changhua District Court for embezzlement, and the 30th item listed on the indictment detailed how the witness Ying Pao-kuo (應寶國), accountant of the Ma-Wu ticket’s national campaign headquarters at the time, was quoted as saying that “among the receipts filed by the Changhua campaign office, some, given their large amount, were not reported to the Control Yuan.”

Also, Cho Po-chung, in his post-trial statement regarding the allegations of embezzling the Ma-Wu ticket’s campaign funds, said the money spent on manpower and physical resources poured into the campaign far exceeded the amount allocated by the party.

According to stipulations in the Political Donations Act (政治獻金法), donations should be declared in full and any benefits of economic value should also be declared, at the value at the time the donation is made. Whether it is the testimony of the staffers at the campaign headquarters or Cho Po-chung’s account of the situation, there is evidence to suggest that the political donations for the Ma-Wu ticket were not declared in full and this would be a violation of the Political Donations Act.

Then there are the allegations that Fubon Financial Holding Co donated NT$15 million (US$491,143) to the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). According to a 2009 ruling by the Taipei District Court, one witnesses, Fubon chairman Daniel Tsai (蔡明忠), said that at the time of the 2008 presidential election the company made a NT$15 million donation to the KMT, but there is no sign of this donation in declared political donations for either Ma or the KMT. Even though Tsai later said that he made a mistake, prosecutors overlooked his retraction, and did not pursue a charge of perjury against him. People are still debating whether Ma or the KMT actually received a political donation of NT$15 million from Fubon, and nobody has been held liable.

Finally, there is the donation from Ting Hsin International Group, the tainted oil scandal and the resultant public health issue. The Changhua District Prosecutors’ Office said Ting Hsin and former Ting Hsin executive Wei Ying-chun (魏應充), as of January 2012, were using animal-feed- grade oils to produce oils for human consumption, putting public health at risk. On Dec. 21, 2011, Ma paid a personal visit to Wei, to hand him a letter of appointment as vice chairman of Ma’s National Business and Industrial Leaders’ Support Group. Ten days after Ma delivered the letter, Ting Hsin started poisoning the nation.

The law of averages would suggest that somebody appointed vice chairman of a presidential candidate’s support group is very likely to make political donations to that candidate. Ma may vigorously deny receiving donations from Ting Hsin, but the case is under investigation by the Special Investigation Division and we can expect the results to coincide with the law of averages.

「清廉指數」不等於「清廉」

吳景欽(作者為真理大學法律系副教授兼系主任、台灣永社常務理事)

自由時報/自由廣場 2015.05.24
http://talk.ltn.com.tw/article/paper/883087

總統馬英九。
自由時報/資料照,記者方賓照攝

馬英九在就職七週年的演說提到,我國清廉印象指數在亞洲名列前茅,言下之意,台灣的反貪成效已相當卓著,致可成為其重要的政績。只是清廉指數真可等同清廉嗎?

國際透明組織每年皆會公布各國的貪腐或稱清廉形象指數,分數最高為一百分、最低為○分,分數越高表示越清廉。而在二○一四年底所公布的指數裡,台灣為六十一分,全球一百七十五個國家中排名第卅五,不管是從全球或區域性的排名來看,台灣都屬前段,若以此來表彰馬政府的清廉,似有其道理。

惟此項評比所依憑者,有為專家評鑑,亦有針對本國及外商主管所為的問卷。故根據這些資料所做出的評分,並非以實際的統計數據為指標,而較偏向於是種感受性的調查,能否反映出現實狀況,自待檢驗。其次,不管此份報告的客觀性如何,但從亞洲有三分之二的國家未超過五十分來看,就顯示此區域的貪腐情況相當嚴重。故就算在此地區名列第五的台灣,只能說是比上不足、比下有餘的結果。

更值關注的是,馬政府雖以清廉自居,卻不斷爆發貪瀆情事。尤其在二○一○年,曾任苗栗縣長的何智輝,其貪污案件更一審大逆轉獲判無罪,致爆發行賄四位法官的弊案,不僅迫使司法院長、副院長下台,馬總統更宣布於一年後成立廉政署。惟廉政署僅是隸屬於法務部下的三級機關,再加以其人員仍是由既有的政風或調查局體系等所組成,致難發揮實質的效果。這可以從二○一二年時任行政院秘書長林益世所涉及的索賄惡行與醜聞,非由廉政署所發掘而是由媒體所揭露,即可了然於胸。甚且林益世於當時竟還是中央廉政委員會之委員,致成為廉政署的上級長官,更顯得諷刺。

去年頂新地溝油事件以及近來的大巨蛋等之案件裡,馬總統是否涉貪,雖仍待偵查機關之釐清,卻已顯露出藕斷絲連與糾纏不清的政商關係。也因此,就算我國清廉指數名列亞洲前段,那也只是一個數字、一個以口號反貪腐的象徵。

2015年5月22日 星期五

三筆政治獻金 一筆爛帳

黃帝穎(作者為律師、永社理事)

自由時報 2015.05.22
http://talk.ltn.com.tw/article/paper/882548

(圖片來源:黃帝穎律師

台北市長柯文哲公開質疑,馬英九總統在市長及總統選舉的競選經費申報不實。馬總統透過發言人陳以信痛罵柯文哲胡亂污衊馬總統,沒把狀況弄清楚就發言,應該出面道歉。但事實上,馬總統至少有三筆政治獻金講不清楚,至今難令社會信服,真正該道歉的,是馬英九。

一、馬吳彰化競選總部政治獻金涉嫌申報不實。
前彰化縣長卓伯源胞弟卓伯仲遭彰化地檢署依貪污等罪起訴,起訴書所列證據清單第三十項揭示,證人應寶國(時任馬吳全國競選總部核銷人員)證稱:「彰化競選總部申報之核銷單據中,有部分因為單價過高…沒有申報至監察院」;卓伯仲於起訴後也發表聲明說,對於被指侵占馬吳競選經費,總統大選投入的人力、物力,早已超過黨部核撥金額。

依據政治獻金法規定,政治獻金應如實申報,且具經濟價值之利益,應依申報時之時價折算。換言之,不論是馬吳全國總部承辦人員的證詞或卓伯仲所述,足認馬英九有政治獻金未如實申報,違反政治獻金法。

二、富邦捐給國民黨的一五○○萬元。
依據台北地方法院九十八年度矚金重訴字第一號判決書指出,證人蔡明忠證詞供稱,「九十七年總統大選時,伊家族有捐款給國民黨,金額應該是一五○○萬元。」但遍查馬英九或國民黨的政治獻金申報,都查無富邦董座蔡明忠的一五○○萬元,雖蔡明忠事後改口說記錯,但檢察官對於證人翻供並未追究偽證罪責,馬英九或國民黨是否收受富邦一五○○萬元的政治獻金,至今仍是羅生門,且沒人負法律責任。

三、頂新政治獻金案。
對於頂新黑心油傷害全民健康,彰化地檢署的起訴新聞稿指明,頂新公司及魏應充「自一○一年一月起,以飼料用油製造成攙偽且妨害衛生之食用油」,比對時間點,馬總統在一○○年十二月廿一日親自為魏應充頒發工商後援會副總會長聘書,馬總統授證十日後,頂新開始混黑心油,毒害台灣人。依據「經驗法則」,擔任候選人的工商後援會副總會長,應有政治獻金捐款,雖然馬總統堅稱未收頂新政治獻金,但此案現由特偵組進行偵辦,檢方應有符合經驗法則的偵辦結果。

2015年5月21日 星期四

黃世銘打臉朱立倫的閣揆同意權

黃帝穎(作者為律師、永社理事)

自由時報/自由開講 2015.05.21
http://talk.ltn.com.tw/article/breakingnews/1324420

朱立倫。
(圖片來源:自由時報/記者賴筱桐攝

中國國民黨主席朱立倫昨天表示,台灣近十幾年來整體政治運作所遇到的困境,就是權責無法相符,修憲第一步就是先通過恢復原來憲法所規定的「閣揆同意權」,呼籲朝野政黨不要為一黨一己之私,或為一次選舉做考量。

朱立倫誤以為官員經國會同意,就可以權責相符、解決政治困境,但黃世銘也是經國會同意的檢察總長,其不只違法濫權,更製造政治困境,黃世銘與馬總統共犯洩密罪,遭高等法院判刑定讞。簡單的說,經國會同意的檢察總長黃世銘,直接打臉朱立倫「閣揆同意權」的修憲主張!

暫且不論國民黨總統候選人難產,因此把政治目標放在「閣揆同意權」的一次性選舉考量,回歸憲政制度探討,憲法本文確有內閣制精神,不只國會有「閣揆同意權」,總統也由國民大會間接選舉產生,但我國歷經七次修憲,總統改由全民直選,職掌行政權的閣揆也改由總統直接任命,台灣的中央政府體制已從傾向內閣制,走向半總統制。

然而,法國的半總統制被認為與台灣中央政府體制較為接近,但法國第五共和並沒有「閣揆同意權」,即因法國有鑑於第三、四共和總統與閣揆的多頭馬車,導致政局紛亂,因而在現行第五共和刪除法國國會的「閣揆同意權」。

參考法國第五共和刪除「閣揆同意權」,且台灣檢察總長黃世銘也是經國會同意,卻與馬總統共犯「洩密」,遭法院判刑定讞,在在都對朱立倫的「閣揆同意權」幻想直接打臉。朱立倫如非為一黨一己之私,修憲請不要「頭痛醫腳」、胡亂牽拖!